EDUCATIONAL REHABILITATION AND RECONSTRUCTION: 1979-1989

People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) or Heng Samrin regime (1979 to 1989) started to rebuild the country. This regime, which was supported by communist Vietnam and other socialist bloc nations, ruled Cambodia after the fall of the Khmer Rouge. The regime’s top priority between 1979 and 1981 was to reinstall educational institutions. Generous support from UNICEF and International Red Cross, together with a strong determination to restructure Cambodia by the PRK, saw about 6,000 educational institutions rebuilt and thousands of teachers trained within a very short period (Dunnett, 1993). According to an interview with a senior education official who had been involved in basic education system and teacher training since 1979, the regime’s policy on enhancing education was: 1979-1981 was a period of restructuring and rehabilitating of both infrastructure and human resources. By restructuring and rehabilitation I refer to collecting school-aged children and putting them into schools despite in the poor condition. Classes were even conducted in makeshift, open-air classrooms or under trees. We appealed to all those surviving teachers and literate people to teach the illiterates. We used various slogans such as ‘going to teach and going to school is nation-loving’ and so on. There were no official licences or any requirements for taking on the teaching job. We just tried to open schools and literacy classes, regardless of their quality.

The rebirth of education in Cambodia in 1979 represents a historically unique experience from that of any other nations. In the early 1980s, all levels of schooling (from kindergarten to higher education) were reopened and the total enrolment was almost one million. Many teachers were better trained and quality gradually enhanced. Enrolment in primary education in 1989, increased to 1.3 million, and in lower secondary to 0.24 million, compared with only 0.9 million and 4,800 in 1980 (Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 1999). However, it is worth noting that in any primary school, about 30 per cent of the children had no father, 10 per cent had no mother, and between 5 and 10 per cent were orphans (Postlethwaite, 1988). The political and economic disturbance haunted Cambodia pending the second term of the current Royal Government and the complete eradication of the Khmer Rouge’s machinery and organization in 1998. Nevertheless, the people of Cambodia still have pride and look forward to a golden age when their nation will again be prosperous.

CONCLUSION: Social and political factors of the last four decades from the 1950s to the 1980s determined the flux of crisis and progress of the schooling systems. The former extensive Khmer Empire, Cambodia suffered massive socio-cultural destruction, political turmoil, genocide, international isolation, and socio-economic crisis during the civil conflicts of the 1970s and 1980s. Political and economic problems during the above two decades were not isolated from the education structure, which was also seriously damaged during the civil conflicts. Shifting from limited or no access for girls to formal education within the traditional school system to the French schooling system in the early twentieth century was a positive step towards universal basic education. However, although primary education was made compulsory in the 1950s and 1960s, there was no presence of mechanism in handling the implementation of the policy. The changing concepts of basic education from basic literacy to primary education, and to primary plus lower secondary education in the mid -1990s saw the expansion of learning opportunities for better lifestyle and socio-economic amelioration in contemporary Cambodia. The experiments of the 1950s and 1960s were largely unsuccessful because modern educational contents and outcomes could not meet the actual needs of the society at that time. In other words, many Cambodians feared that the modernity would lead to the demise of their traditional culture Dy 97 inherited from their proud Angkorian ancestors. However, present-day Cambodians consider reforms in education during the 1990s as positive measures towards socio-economic development and improving freedom of lives. This acknowledges tremendous support from international community for guidance and recommendations.

SCHOOLING ABOLITION: 1975-79

Cambodia was eventually plunged into a complete darkness during the regime of Democratic Kampuchea, or the infamous Khmer Rouge, locally known as the Pol Pot regime which came into power in April 1975. The regime led Cambodia into revolutionary Maoist communism. Pol Pot’s so-called ‘great leap’ revolutionary regime further ravaged Cambodia through the mass destruction of individual property, schooling system, and social culture by forcing the entire population either into the army camps or onto collective farms (Chandler, 1998; Dunnett, 1993). Damage was inflicted not only to the educational infrastructure, but Cambodia also lost almost three-quarters of its educated population under the regime when teachers, students, professionalsmand intellectuals were killed or managed to escape into exile (ADB, 1996; Prasertsri, 1996). It has been estimated that about two million of the pre-war Cambodian population of around seven million were killed or died through suffering in that genocidal regime. Duggan (1996) noted that under the Pol Pot regime, literacy education beyond the lowest grade was abolished and formal schooling of the Western kind was eradicated. People were grouped into cooperatives by gender and age. Some basic reading and writing were introduced, albeit in an unstructured way and with no national curriculum, to children in some working collectives of about two to three hours every ten days (personal experience). During the early years of this regime, basic education was deemed unnecessary since almost all citizens were working in factories and farms (for further discussion see Chandler, 1991,1998; Duggan 1996). 96 Strategies and Policies for Basic Education in Cambodia: Historical Perspectives

EDUCATIONAL CRISIS AND DECLINE: 1970-75

Following over fifteen years of peace and prosperity which Cambodia enjoyed under the Sihanouk regime, General Lon Nol backed by the United States, seized control in a diplomatic coup d'état in March 1970 and declared the creation of the Khmer Republic. 

This incident may have been caused by the Prince’s foreign policy, which was interpreted as ‘practically’ supporting Communist Vietnam and angering the United States during the Vietnam War. It was the first time that Cambodia abolished its chronological monarchy. Not only was there little constructive reform during this period, but rather the country was driven to civil conflict as communism strengthened to its hold in the East and fighting in rural areas spread in early 1970s, causing barriers to schooling opportunities. In turmoil, the regime completely collapsed in April 1975 and socioeconomic achievements of the previous regime soon vanished. During the early 1970s Cambodia was inevitably drawn into the Vietnam War. 

The national instability and political turmoil led the Lon Nol regime to reduce educational funding and many school closed in rural areas. Simultaneously, many teachers fled to join the Khmer Rouge movement while student and teacher demonstrations frequently occurred in Phnom Penh. By early 1972, the United States bombardment aimed at slowing the spread of communism from the East, resulted in serious damage to the education system and infrastructure.

ENHANCING BASIC EDUCATION OPPORTUNITY: 1950-60

In the last few years before the French left Cambodia, the colonial government, with recommendations from UNESCO, grudgingly introduced compulsory education for children aged 6 to 13 years. Events during these years have shown that the effort to provide compulsory, free primary education was too hasty. 

In the report presented at the UNESCO 14th International Conference on Public Education, Princess Ping Peang Yukanthor in 1951 stated: The principle of compulsory education can thus not be fully applied – until the government is in a position to fulfill its essential duties through the possession of 94 Strategies and Policies for Basic Education in Cambodia: Historical Perspectives sufficient number of teachers able, not only to instruct, but also to educate, and of adequate funds to meet all necessary expenditures. Furthermore, Cambodian education was still without a national curriculum. Urban schools were able to offer more subjects in science and technology than the rural ones, which combined to focus on local traditional culture and more social subjects. Prince Norodom Sihanouk was crowned King of Cambodia by the French colonial power in 1941 when he was still a senior high school student at a French Lycée in southern Vietnam. His policies for education after gaining independence were to attain the goal of compulsory primary education for all and to increase, at all levels of educational opportunities from primary to university institutions. His efforts were to build a prosperous nation-state through educational development. New principles of educational development in the 1950s, with the recommendations from UNESCO, were introduced and some were fully implemented such as increasing more learning opportunities for boys and girls and fighting illiteracy among adults in rural areas. However, the achievement was far from satisfactory. Statistically, only 10 per cent of female adults were basically literate in 1958 (Peng Cheng Pung, 1959). The term ‘basic education’, which aimed at the level of primary education, was first used in the annual government report to UNESCO in 1957 which signified the UNESCO’s recommendation to integrate audio-visual materials into the existing teaching methods at basic education level was not possible at that time (Ministry of National Education, 1956-57). Regardless of inadequate quality in basic education system, several scholars (Bit, 1991; Deighton, 1971; Dunnett, 1993) noted that the Prince Sihanouk regime, compared to the French era, had made significant progress in increasing accessibility at all levels of education. Deighton (1971, p.579) statistically described: By the late 1960s, more than one million children enrolled in primary education as compared with about 0.6 million in 1960 and 0.13 million in 1950. From 1950 to 1965 the number of females enrolled at the primary level grew from 9 per cent to 39 percent. The number of teachers and schools has expanded commensurately from 1950 to 1964. Although primary enrolment rate increased, the illiteracy rate was estimated 50 per cent in 1953 for a population of 3.7 million and at 55 per cent for a population of 6.2 in 1966. Reflecting its attention and commitment to formal education in building a modern and peaceful state, the regime even increased national budget for education to over 20 per cent of the national expenditure by the late 1960s. However, other scholars such as Ayres (1999, 2000), Chandler (1991, 1998), Duggan (1996), and the two current senior education officials interviewed for this study commented that the regime had failed to universalize basic education and enhance employment for high school and university graduates. Thus, Duggan (1996, p. 364) criticized the regime: The education system provided by Sihanouk was biased towards the nation’s large cities. Rural Cambodia did not benefit from the selective expansion strategies employed by the Prince (Sihanouk) and handsomely built universities did not assist rural children and their family’s poverty. Despite criticisms of the regime for not having enhanced nationwide literacy-oriented education or increasing quality schooling opportunities for all, the regime marked a great recovery of Cambodia in the past few hundred years of its history. Dunnett (1993) claimed that during the 1960s, Cambodia had one of the highest literacy rates and most progressive education systems in Southeast Asia. Dy 95 Further details of the Prince Sihanouk regime were given in some well-known Khmer accounts, written during the 1950s and 1960s, such as those by Nou Hach’s Phka Sroaporn (The Flower Pasts its Bloom), Nhok Thaem’s Kolap Pailin (Rose of Pailin), and Rim Kin’s Sophaat, reflecting the struggles of young men and their families for education and employment. The belief that enhanced education would bring the benefit of higher employment in the government sector was raised in these works, which was also subsequently reflected in school curriculum. 

The social value of furthering the education of the individual, leading to a better future, was closely associated with the increased development of higher education institutions in the larger cities. However, the failure to give top priority to basic education during the 1960s led to the crisis in education system (for further discussion see Ayres, 2000).

EVOLVING CONCEPTS OF ‘EDUCATION’ AND ‘BASIC EDUCATION’

From a traditional, social and cultural perspective, ‘education’ is literally defined by Cambodians on one hand as an honest route to better the human condition, intentionally aimed at shaping individuals for a better lifestyle, knowledge, and good manners for living in their respective societies. On the other hand, the contemporary Cambodian perception of ‘education’ refers to a process of training and instruction, especially of children and young people in schools, which is designed to give knowledge and develop skills. Both induct the maturing individual into the life and culture of the group. This consciously and purposefully controlled learning process is conducted by more experienced members of society. 

In traditional education the pupils received instruction in the arts of writing, ethical precepts, practical philosophy, and good manners. There were also traditional codes of conduct and rules (chbab) for men and women requiring them to learn and obey to become good members of the Khmer family and society. Thus ‘basic education’, as a ‘minimally adequate level of education to live in society’ is varied in accordance to socio-cultural and socio-political factors of the state. The majority of Cambodians are peasants relying on subsistence agriculture. Traditional and cultural principles encourage men to be more sociable, gentle, courageous, responsible, and hardworking, while women are supposed to be caring, reserved, and having good housework management skills. Accordingly, parents, senior members of the society, and Buddhist teachers, were responsible for educating boys. What should be an adequate level of basic education that Cambodian citizens should be equally equipped? The 1990 WCEFA identified basic education as aimed at ‘meeting basic learning needs’. Hence, the length of formal education and education content should depend on the policy of the individual society or country. With reference to this definition, Cambodian basic education was identified in the 1950s and 1960s as at the ‘primary education level’ in urban areas and at basic literacy level (being able to read and write everyday-life texts) in rural areas (Ministry of National Education, 1956-57). The extent of this basic education ideal was first halted in the early 1970s and later dissolved between 1975 and 1979 during the infamous Khmer Rouge regime. In 1979-1981, putting children back to school and combating the illiteracy among adults were the main tasks of the regime. 

The level of education, which should be appropriate to meet basic learning needs during this period was unclear. In the mid-1980s the government started its commitment to strengthening the quality of educational provision. Education officials noted that during the 1980s, basic literacy or at least completion of the fourth grade of the primary cycle (then five years in length) was sufficient for achieving basic education.